Archive for November, 2008

CAT trial: December 2008

Monday, November 24th, 2008

We plan to run some informal trial games of the 2009 Market Design (CAT) Tournament in the week of 1 December 2008.   Please contact us with a team name (case-sensitive) and an IP address (dotted-quad notation) if you wish to participate.

The importance of conceptual models

Monday, November 24th, 2008

J. Doyne Farmer of the Santa Fe Institute has a book review in a recent issue of Nature (“The two cultures of Wall Street“, volume 456: 173-174, 13 November 2008), of Jeremy Bernstein’s book:  “Physicists on Wall Street and Other Essays on Science and Society” (Springer 2008).

“Quantitative [tag]hedge funds[/tag] tend to divide into those run by economists and those run by scientists from other disciplines, such as physics, maths or computer science. For example, perhaps the most successful hedge fund, the New York-based firm Renaissance, has some 70 researchers, none of whom is an economist. By contrast, LTCM’s only connection to physics is that [physicist-turned-trader Emanuel] Derman once applied for a job there and did not get it.

This distinction is not just a matter of professional pride and disciplinary boundaries. Bernstein misses an important point: economists and physicists traditionally approach the problem of [tag]risk control[/tag] in different ways. Risk control is the art of determining the likelihood of large and unexpected price changes happening in the future. It is well known that extremely large changes, and financial crashes in particular, are more frequent than would be expected from a ‘normal’ statistical distribution. Physicists tend to favour a ‘power law’ mathematical description to model the [tag]heavy tails[/tag] of these distributions, giving a pessimistic view of the likelihood of large price movements. By contrast, the economists who led LTCM spoke about price movements in terms of standard deviations, a terminology that is only relevant for [tag]normal distributions[/tag]. This demonstrates that they were not thinking about the problem in the right way.”

 

The new black

Monday, November 10th, 2008

[The [tag]hedge fund[/tag] of David Einhorn,] “Greenlight, is a long-short value fund.  It bets directly on companies (that is the “long,” and larger, part of the fund) or against them (that’s the “short” side).  This is, in the world of high finance, not at all the new new thing.  Indeed, the very fact that Einhorn is able to explain in plain English what his fund does is a sign that he isn’t at the cutting edge of finance.”

John Lanchester [2008]: Melting into Air: Before the financial system went bust, it went postmodern. The New Yorker, 10 November 2008, pp. 80 – 84.  (Quotation is on p. 82) 

AI to the rescue?

Sunday, November 9th, 2008

The International Herald Tribune carries a Reuters report that so-called nondiscretionary [tag]hedge funds[/tag] are currently outperforming discretionary funds.  The [tag]non-discretionary funds[/tag] rely on [tag]machine intelligence[/tag] only to trade, while the other funds either do not have any computer algorithms or allow the fund managers to countermand or enhance the computer system’s recommendations.   Presumably an expert system could incorporate any human component into the machine algorithm readily enough, although perhaps not sufficiently quickly.  But a computer decision-making system is only as good as the models and assumptions made by the designers.  

“Economics needs a scientific revolution”

Saturday, November 8th, 2008

That is the title of a recent essay in Nature magazine by econo-physicist Jean-Philippe Bouchaud, available here (Nature, 455: 1181, 30 October 2008)     The essay is superb and repeats what people have been saying about economics since – oh, since at least the time of Karl Marx.    One of the jokes of marketers is that marketing only exists to the extent that the assumptions of economics are false:  an entire professional discipline exists in the space which economics ignores.  Perhaps the [tag]financial crisis[/tag] will cause some economists to jettison their assumptions, and allow mainstream [tag]economics[/tag] to rejoin the reality-based community.  However, it must be said that economists seem strongly impervious to any fundamentally-critical ideas.

What follows is an excerpt from Bouchaud’s essay.   I only disagree with him on one issue:  the role that models from [tag]statistical physics[/tag] may play in fixing mainstream economics.   Although economies can be viewed as collections of large numbers of interacting particles, as if they were clouds of gas, there is an important difference between the two:  in economies, unlike in matter, the particles are intelligent, and their interactions subject to socially-constructed (and hence dynamic) patterns, rules and cultural tropes.  Are there models in statistical physics that assume the so-called laws of nature are dynamic and that the atomic particles intelligent? If not (and I think there are not), we need new models and new approaches to modeling.  Bouchaud is right about the questions, but not about the answers. 

“Classical economics is built on very strong assumptions that quickly become axioms: the rationality of economic agents (the premise that every economic agent, be that a person or a company, acts to maximize his profits), the ‘invisible hand’ (that agents, in the pursuit of their own profit, are led to do what is best for society as a whole) and market efficiency (that market prices faithfully reflect all known information about assets), for example. An economist once told me, to my bewilderment: “These concepts are so strong that they supersede any empirical observation.” As economist Robert Nelson argued in his book, Economics as Religion (Pennsylvania State Univ. Press, 2002), the marketplace has been deified.

Physicists, on the other hand, have learned to be suspicious of axioms. If empirical observation is incompatible with a model, the model must be trashed or amended, even if it is conceptually beautiful or mathematically convenient. So many accepted ideas have been proven wrong in the history of physics that physicists have grown to be critical and queasy about their own models.

Unfortunately, such healthy scientific revolutions have not yet taken hold in economics, where ideas have solidified into dogmas. These are perpetuated through the education system: students don’t question formulas they can use without thinking. Although numerous physicists have been recruited by financial institutions over the past few decades, they seem to have forgotten the methodology of the natural sciences as they absorbed and regurgitated the existing economic lore.

The supposed omniscience and perfect efficacy of a free market stems from economic work done in the 1950s and 1960s, which with hindsight looks more like propaganda against communism than plausible science. In reality, markets are not efficient, humans tend to be over-focused in the short-term and blind in the long-term, and errors get amplified, ultimately leading to collective irrationality, panic and crashes. Free markets are wild markets.

Reliance on models based on incorrect axioms has clear and large effects. The [tag]Black–Scholes[/tag] model, for example, which was invented in 1973 to price options, is still used extensively. But it assumes that the probability of extreme price changes is negligible, when in reality, stock prices are much jerkier than this. Twenty years ago, unwarranted use of the model spiralled into the worldwide October 1987 crash; the Dow Jones index dropped 23% in a single day, dwarfing recent market hiccups. Ironically, it was the very use of a crash-free model that helped to trigger a crash.

This time, the problem lies, in part, in the development of structured financial products that packaged subprime risk into seemingly respectable high-yield investments. The models used to price them were fundamentally flawed: they underestimated the probability that multiple borrowers would default on their loans simultaneously. These models again neglected the very possibility of a global crisis, even as they contributed to triggering one.

Surprisingly, classical economics has no framework through which to understand ‘wild’ markets, even though their existence is so obvious to the layman. Physics, on the other hand, has developed several models that explain how small perturbations can lead to wild effects. The theory of complexity shows that although a system may have an optimum state, it is sometimes so hard to identify that the system never settles there. This optimum state is not only elusive, it is also hyper-fragile to small changes in the environment, and therefore often irrelevant to understanding what is going on. There are good reasons to believe that this paradigm should apply to economic systems in general and financial markets in particular. We need to break away from classical economics and develop completely different tools. Some behavioural economists and econo-physicists are attempting to do this now, in a patchy way, but their fringe endeavour is not taken seriously by mainstream economics.

While work is done to enhance models, regulation also needs to improve. Innovations in financial products should be scrutinized, crash-tested against extreme scenarios outside the realm of current models and approved by independent agencies, just as we have done with other potentially lethal industries (chemical, pharmaceutical, aerospace, nuclear energy).

Crucially, the mindset of those working in economics and financial engineering needs to change. Economics curricula need to include more natural science. The prerequisites for more stability in the long run are the development of a more pragmatic and realistic representation of what is going on in financial markets, and to focus on data, which should always supersede perfect equations and aesthetic axioms.”

 

The Emperor’s new credit default swaps

Friday, November 7th, 2008

Not only are we are in the middle of a global financial meltdown, but we are inundated with people telling us that they knew all along that it was inevitable.

Two recent articles in the New York Times are nice examples of this.

Robert Shiller talks about the problems of making such predictions from a groupthink perspective, arguing that it is hard to be the lone voice in the crowd, not least because pointing out that the market is in a speculative bubble isn’t a good career move:

We all want to associate ourselves with dignified people and dignified ideas. Speculative bubbles, and those who study them, have been deemed undignified.

Shiller’s own predictions of impending doom were based on ideas from [tag]behavioral economics[/tag] which suggests, surprise surprise, that people aren’t perfetly rational, and so there are psychological aspects to economic behavior. In other words, if models had taken these “irrational” aspects into account, the problems in the market would have been obvious.

A related point is made here, which argues that the models being used to compute the risk of the collapse of the subprime mortgage market just weren’t being applied right:

A recent paper by four Federal Reserve economists … concluded that the risk models used by Wall Street analysts correctly predicted that a drop in real estate prices of 10 or 20 percent would imperil the market for subprime mortgage-backed securities. But the analysts themselves assigned a very low probability to that happening.

Garbage in, garbage out, right? But, of course, nobody was pointing out that is was garbage when it still might have helped.

Libor, Eonia and Sonia

Monday, November 3rd, 2008

Edinburgh sociologist Donald MacKenzie has an article in The London Review of Books on the daily calculation of [tag]Libor[/tag], the London Interbank Offered Rate, an interest rate used as a benchmark for large numbers of contracts.   The main algorithm is described thus:

“The calculation of Libor is co-ordinated by just two people, who work in an unremarkable open-plan office in London’s Docklands. I watched the process, which seemed utterly routine, a couple of years ago. Just after 11 a.m. on every weekday that’s not a bank holiday, traders at leading banks send in their estimates of the interest rates at which their banks could borrow money. They do this electronically, but sometimes the co-ordinators make a phone call to a bank that hasn’t sent in its estimates, and if the latter seem implausible – typos, for example, are fairly common – they’re checked, also with a quick call: ‘Hi there, is the Kiwi chap [provider of the estimates for borrowing New Zealand dollars] about? . . . Bit of a spread on the two month. Everyone else is coming in a good bit under that.’

A simple computer program discards the lowest quarter and highest quarter of the estimates, and calculates the average of the remainder. The result is that day’s Libor. The calculation is repeated for each of ten currencies and 15 loan durations (from overnight to 12 months), so 150 Libors are published daily: overnight sterling Libor, one-week euro Libor, one-month yen Libor, three-month US dollar Libor and so on.”

So, in statistical jargon, Libor is a 0.25-trimmed mean (since 25% of the sample is deleted from the top and from the bottom of the ordered sample before calculating the mean), which makes it a fairly robust estimator.   What is interesting is that this figure, like all economic variables, is a human artefact, and MacKenzie explores some of the judgment involved, including game-theoretic judgment:

“a Libor input is what a bank could do, not what it has done. So judgment is involved. A bank might not have borrowed anything in the minutes before 11 a.m. Deals for longer than overnight are intermittent, and there is little borrowing at some of the time periods involved, such as 11 months. ‘Reasonable market size’ is deliberately not defined exactly: it will vary from currency to currency and according to time period and market conditions. The need for judgment is why the information provided by brokers is important to the calculation of Libor. It helps a bank’s traders to estimate the rate at which they could borrow money, even if they’re not trying to do so. They get some of the information they need from the screens provided by their various brokers: all serious traders employ several. The screens indicate the lowest rate at which banks are currently offering to lend and the highest rate at which they are prepared to borrow. Only the naive, however, would give the former rate as their Libor input. The screens don’t reveal the amount actually available for borrowing at the lowest quoted rate, and it may fall short of ‘reasonable market size’. It could range from a mere $50 million or so to a yard or more (‘yard’ – originally an abbreviation of ‘milliard’ – is the money-market term for billion, a word that in a noisy environment is all too easy to confuse with ‘million’).

The screens can’t be expected to tell you with any precision how much you would have to pay to borrow a few hundred million dollars (reasonable market size for short-term borrowing in a major currency), and are even less reliable when it comes to borrowing several yards. It can take an experienced trader talking to a number of brokers with good ears to form a realistic estimate. There’s also an element of judgment in the rates that brokers put on the screens: they can, for example, consider it as misleading their clients to quote a bid to borrow at an unusually high rate, if it comes from a bank with poor credit standing to which many of their clients would be reluctant to lend.”

MacKenzie also has a very nice description of what he calls broker’s ear

“the capacity to monitor what is being said by all the other brokers at nearby desks, despite the noise and while at the same time holding a voicebox conversation with a client. As one broker put it to me: ‘When you’re on the desk you’re expected to hear everyone else’s conversations as well, because they’re all relevant to you, and if you’re on the phone speaking to someone about what’s going on in the market there could be a hot piece of information coming in with one of your colleagues that you would want to tell your clients, so you’ve got to be able to hear it coming in as you’re speaking to the person.’ “

Yet more evidence that human intelligence comes in many forms, most of which are domain-specific.  I wonder if jazz musicians would make good brokers, since they too have an ability to listen, play and think ahead simultaneously.